Tủ sách ngôn-ngữ dân tộc thiểu số Việt Nam. Bôh panuaik Cham = Ngu-vung Cham = Western Cham Vocabulary. Friberg, Timothy; Kvoeu-Hor,. Summer . Cham is the language of Cham people in Vietnam and the traditional Cham script is no (). Ong Dot - Bo truyen Cham song ngu Viet Nam (Ong Dot - Cham . http:/soundofheaven.info Karim. of diglossia and widespread Cham-Vietnamese bilingualism. These factors Tiếng Chàm Châu Đốc Phương Ngữ Chăm ở Nam Bộ. In Kinh Tế,. Văn Hoá Dân .
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and Western (Akhar Srak/Akhar Ka Kha) variants of the Indic Cham script. Cham . Nam Data Microfiche Series No. ND SIL. .. advocated by the SIL for Eastern Cham was heavily influenced by Quốc Ngữ David & Dorris Blood (). These groups include Tay, Nung, H'mong, Muong, Cham, Khmer and Jrai, to record the Vietnamese phonetic system in Romanized script, called Quoc Ngu. . Most recently, the Education Law of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam In Việt Nam, I was offered a book called Lễ Hội Dân Gian, Củá Ngú Dân, Bà Rịa .. In Việt Nam, Mỹ Sơn served as the religious centre of the Cham Pa Kingdom.
Head D. Either you accept this offer or you don't. Nowadays, English is even extending its reach to ethnic minorities in Vietnam. Le, M. What B.
Without these being mandate, the third issue could get worse, which is many ethnic languages in Vietnam are at risk and only of limited usage.
It can be inferred from published documents such as Bui, ; Dinh, ; MOET, that there have been many more attempts to teach Vietnamese to minority students and to integrate them into the mainstream education with Vietnamese being the language of instruction than that to help maintain their own ethnic languages.
The role of English in current Vietnam: In various parts of the country foreign languages including English, Chinese, French, and Russian respectively had once enjoyed dominant status.
Across the nation after the Vietnamese government introduced the open-door policy in , English has gradually taken over the significance of Russian, following the dissolution of the former Soviet Union which consequently reduced its influence over Vietnam.
Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in , the end of Cold War with a turn to the right and the recent trends of globalization, English has gradually replaced Russian as the most popular foreign language, introduced at all levels of education and a series of official documents and decrees ensued to officially acknowledge its role and status Phan Le Ha, , p. Do , p. Although English in Vietnam does not seem to have anything to do with social classes, it does act as a gatekeeping tool in the society, particularly with employment and educational opportunities.
Almost all jobs require a certificate in English, and even work promotion now starts considering English proficiency a criterion Nunan, The high status of English has thus resulted in those who do not have sufficient competency in English feeling excluded from positions which may lead to power. Despite the nationalist fervour that would persistently countenance national languages, there would be hardly any country staying out of globalization, and thereby English language.
In certain Asian countries such as Pakistan and Malaysia, for instance, English was slated to be supplanted gradually with Urdu and Malay respectively. But while such a replacement is yet to be on the horizon, the status of English is now even consolidated, such as the wide medium of instruction in Malaysia Simpson, , p.
Gayle , pp. Nowadays, English is even extending its reach to ethnic minorities in Vietnam. Different writers and researchers H. They worry that the Vietnamese language would lose its status as the language of knowledge transfer, when English is introduced to school children at such an early age.
However, the picture is much more complicated than the black or white question of whether or not Vietnam should promote English and whether or not Vietnamese is losing its official and dominant status. The next section offers some insights into the issue.
Concluding remarks Since , the introduction of top-down interventions through language policies and reforms have greatly assisted in the social as well as historical construction and attachment of nationalism to Vietnamese language. Thereby, M. Le, It does not mean, however, that any effort that takes the opposite direction would come to an end.
O, , as well as an increasing bilingual population are coming of age underline the dormancy of English language education in Vietnam. At this point, it could be concluded that English and Vietnamese should hardly be seen as an either— or option in Vietnam today, just as the globalization and nationalism powers they represent would remain pull and push forces in the long run. It is important to see from this chapter that they are neither the only nor necessarily the binary forces in contemporary Vietnam.
We thus strongly view each Vietnamese person today as bringing his or her own subjectivity to the positioning of the self among various momentums. References Abhakorn, R. Education and Language Choice in Southeast Asia. Ying Eds. Language Trends in Asia pp. An, Q. Retrieved from http: Imagined Communities 3rd ed. Archibald, D. The Big Picture. Nationalism 1st ed. Pearson Education Limited. Bui, K. Multilingual education in the community of minority peoples of Vietnam.
Retrieved on 29 March Canagarajah, A. Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching. Oxford University press. Chen, K. Asia as method: Duke University Press. Dinh, P. Multilingual education as a way towards achieving quality Universal Primary Education in Vietnam: Do, H.
Freire, P. Pedagogy of the Oppressed 30th anniversary ed.
New York: The contuum International Publishing Group Inc. Gayle, J. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Gahasa dan Pustaka Ministry of Education. Giacchino-Baker, R. Educating Ethnic Minorities in Vietnam: Policies and Perspectives. Kappa Delta Pi Record, v43 n4 p Sum , http: Hall Ed. Sage in association with The Open University. Asian Values and the United States: How much conflict?
Washington City, D. Kosonen, K. Language in education policy and practice in Vietnam. Lavoie, C. The educational realities of Hmong communities in Vietnam: The voices of teachers. Critical Inquiries in Language Studies: Le, M. Simpson Ed. Oxford University Press. Le, V. Language and Vietnamese pedagogical contexts. Lindsay, J. Babel or Behemoth: Language Trends in Asia. Mai, N. Minh, N. Review workshop of the pilot bilingual education Jrai-Vietnamese project.
Na, L. Paper presented at the 3rd Engaging with Vietnam: Pennycook, A. Harlow, Essex, UK: Longman Group Limited. Tourism to ethic minorities in Sapa, Lao Cai Province. Teaching English as an International Language: It started as a small group leading a self-contained, peasant-style community, and its membership was drawn mainly from urban, educated Ma- lays. It emphasised strict adherence to Islam and the development of home.
In , the Darul Arqam relocated to Sungai Pencala, in the suburbs of Kuala Lumpur It focused on missionary activity, both locally and internationally. It was eventually banned in Malaysia in The fatwa i. Deobandi movement that was started in The Tablighis are conservative fundamentalists who are ins- pired by the reformists of the Wahhabi movement.
Salafists seek to establish a utopian society based on Salafi principles by imposing their interpretation of Islamic law on all members of society. Salafism seeks to annihilate local variants of Islam in the name of authenticity and purity. However, in spite of the eforts deployed to reach more Muslims, the movement tends to isolate followers from the rest of mainstream Muslim society, and from other religious communities. One of the worrying consequences of the difusion of these competing rigorist trends is the splitting of communities.
As explained above, this happened during the colonial period. However, the situation is even more complicated today, as some individuals tend to radicalise their behaviour and equate religious practises with identity. Socio-economic Practises of the Chams in Southeast Asia Champa was once a significant maritime power, and the Chams were famed for their remarkable skill at seafaring activities.
However, after the final annexation of Champa by the Vietnamese court in , and its reorga- nisation as a Vietnamese province, it is very clear that the Chams were deliberately denied access to these activities, and their villages along the coast were, if not destroyed, deliberately pushed inland.
Over the years, the Chams lost touch with their traditional ties to activities connected to the sea, and became isolated from the international trade network.
It was also a strategic point of the sea-route linking South China and the Malay world. They also lost the benefits from trade in the region. In addition, the Imperial Court imposed restrictions, if not actual monopolies on boat construction in for instance and salt facilities. Finally, it seems that Cham settlements along the coast were syste- matically destroyed.
Cham manuscripts confirm this destruction. One manuscript records: Consequently the Chams totally lost their knowledge and skills in boat building. A lexical field around shipping still exists in the Cham language Cham: Its purpose is to thank gods and ancestors for the rain. IV, pp. So that it can be argued that the Cham diaspora has preserved its maritime and sailing traditions at least until the 20th century. In Cambodia, Chams maintained their boat-making skills and their tradition of making boats, although they were used mainly on the Mekong rather than on the sea.
In addition, several European authors mention the boat trade Cham: At the beginning of the 20th century, the boats manufactured in Stung Treng were sold and distributed all over the country.
Chams were in charge of their acquisition and distribution. Other centres were also located in Lovek and Kompong Tralach. Once they reached Katambong, they were carved, decorated and subsequently sold all across the delta. See Forest , p. However, fishing is still the dominant activity of some Cham communities in Vietnam for instance, and Malaysia.
Long-distance travels for the purpose of trade were common. Using either cart or boats to go from one village to another, it was a very common thing for Chams or Malays to leave their villages for several months in order to trade. According to Khmer historical documents, in the first half of the 17th century, the Chams and the Malays tried to im- pose a monopoly on the trade exchanges between the Khmer kingdom, the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian Archipelago.
He was the representative of France from April to July They were middlemen in the cattle trade and exported to the Philippines and Cochinchina. Tobacco, forest products and wood, fish, rice, boats, and textiles were commonly traded by the Chams in In- dochina at least throughout the 19th century. The cattle and the rice trade seem to have expanded after the establishment of the French Protectorate in Cambodia.
Here and in south-western Vietnam, barter Cham: Fish Cham: According to Cham texts, in the first half of the 19th century, a pound Cham: Those individuals who did not have enough paddy, could ofer fabric. The Chams and the Malays soon became experts. They would buy Taboulet , p. Nonetheless, Ner admits that the smuggling had declined because of the firm control of the French customs.
Silk and cotton fabrics were commonly used.
Until the establishment of the French Protectorate over Cambodia, the Khmer or Cham farmers and peasants from the inner regions could exchange fabric for paddy: As soon as the Chams had a little capital, they invested it in buying fabric. The fabric was then sold to the Khmers. Many of the Chams were dissatisfied with the royal order, but they adapted quickly to the new directives and made a profit from them.
According to the sources, one individual could sell one tao of paddy daily for a string of coins. Chams and Malays did not raise their own silkworms, but instead bought the silk thread from the Khmers or the Chinese.
It was thus considered at one point as a luxury product. Before the end of the Protectorate, in —, the silk pro- duced by the women of the Cham village of Koh Sutin in Kompong Cham Ner , p. Traditionally, they used to buy the thread in Cambodia, in exchange for some of their produce. Jim Thompson was a passionate collector and the Ban Khrua silk fascinated him.
In , he founded the Thai Silk Company along with five families of weavers. He introduced new technologies in order to produce more. Nowadays, only two families in Ban Khrua are still in the silk industry. According to the work of Philip Taylor, until recently wea- ving was an important economic activity practised throughout the Cham settlements in Southern Vietnam.
It is still quite vibrant in the Cambodian countryside and in Malaysia, for instance. In Malaysia, in the late s and s, some Cham families were helped by the PERKIM to begin trading activities, and were even given funding to set up small businesses.
The newcomers were helped by other Chams to set up in trade. Cham patrons gave out a certain amount of money in advance, which that their employees immediately reinvested in fabric. They refunded their patrons with the profit made out of the sale of the fabric.
Some of them run factories producing batik, or importing it from Singa- pore, Thailand and Indonesia. At the end of the s and the beginning of the s, Chams were a familiar sight in the Malaysian countryside for this practise, travelling from one village to another carrying the fabric in big bags on their heads.
Conclusion The history of the Chams overseas is a remarkable case-study of integrati- on. Chams have become natives everywhere they have settled. While being perfectly integrated into the societies of the countries they have chosen to live in, they have also always preserved their identity and their culture. One of the most salient features of Cham history and development in Southeast Asia is the diversity and durability of their networks. Historical documents show clearly that these networks have been particularly active in politics and military afairs.
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Champa in the Song hui-yao: