Ajahn Brahm has a fresh and original approach to the path. Download his free ebook here in pdf-version. From the book: I quickly discarded. descriptions, or by their brilliant Dhamma talks or books. people say, “Oh, Ajahn Brahm just teaches jhāna, just teaches samatha, he doesn'. The. Basic. Method of. Meditation. Ajahn Brahm soundofheaven.info at the age of 17 through his reading of Buddhist books while still at school. His interest.
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This book is available for free download from soundofheaven.info The 63 quotes from Ajahn Brahm's teachings in this collection have been gathered from . highest quality books on Buddhism and mindful living. We hope this book will be “Ajahn Brahm is one teacher one can never be bored listening to. His talks on. Ajahn. B r a h m wisdom. Ajah. B r a h m wisdom. Ajahn Brahm author of the bestselling hope this book will be of benefit to you, and we sincerely appre-.
University of Chicago Press, , and Russell T. But this bitch [kaungma], without studying it, kept on complaining about how it is against human rights. He came from a working-class background but won a scholarship to study Theoretical Physics at Cambridge University in the late 's. In the United States, Buddhist military chaplains have encountered new contexts in which to understand and relate to Buddhist doctrine. Religion, Identity, and Difference Columbia: Gay Star News.
All religions are brothers and sisters, so we care for one another. So may violence and mistrust disappear and kindness and love and helping one another prevail.
In an effort to reclaim the "mindfulness" practice from being overrun by secular industries and a recent claim that it is not owned by Buddhism, Ajahn Brahm clarifies that mindfulness is a practice within the rest of the supporting factors of Buddhism the Noble Eightfold Path: Mindfulness is part of a great training which is called Buddhism, and to actually take away mindfulness from Buddhism is unhelpful, inaccurate, and deceiving — mindfulness is a cultural heritage of Buddhism.
Practicing mindfulness without wisdom and compassion is not enough. Whilst still a junior monk, Ajahn Brahm was asked to undertake the compilation of an English-language guide to the Buddhist monastic code - the vinaya  - which later became the basis for monastic discipline in many Theravadan monasteries in Western countries. He is currently working with monks and nuns of all Buddhist traditions in the Australian Sangha Association. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Ajahn Brahm. London , England. Complete List. Buddhistdoor Global.
Retrieved 20 March Buddhist Society of Western Australia. Retrieved 25 March Daily News. Archived from the original on 28 July Retrieved 15 May Sound and Silence. Sunday Times Sri Lanka. Go Beyond Words: Wisdom Publications blog.
Present Magazine. Alliance for Bhikkhunis. Retrieved 29 December Archived from the original on July 26, Retrieved May 15, Archived from the original on 12 January Retrieved 24 January Gay Star News.
Retrieved 1 October Retrieved 26 October Authority control BNE: XX BNF: Topics in Buddhism. Glossary Index Outline. Category Portal. Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: Namespaces Article Talk.
Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Bodhinyana Monastery. Ajahn Thate Desaransi. But there is a greater problem that stretches beyond these reactions to a more systemic one: Terms and Taxonomies: Rhys Davids, were not interested in what Asian Buddhists had to say, but rather in what their texts said.
Tiratana; Sanskrit: Triratna ; however, these are not enough to establish firm boundaries. The Buddha is venerated in Jain traditions, Hindu traditions, and many more. There are Tibetan Buddhist lineages p.
Indeed, this was one of the primary ways in which the historical Buddha distinguished his practice from that of Brahmanism, Jainism, and other competing systems. While this was present in early Buddhism, it does not resonate throughout the history of Buddhism. It is equally difficult to identify what makes one a Buddhist. There is no formal ceremony that is globally recognized as one that makes one a Buddhist, although there are some that exist within specific traditions.
To discuss the religion in the singular affords the misinterpretation that the religion is uniform and static, retaining an essence, which is anything but this. Smith proposes the use of a polythetic classification. To classify a tradition as Jewish does not require that the tradition contain one characteristic such as circumcision , but rather that the tradition contain several characteristics from a classificatory set.
Yet Buddha images like those of Budai also contain polythetic characteristics that unite them under a shared social imaginaire for Buddhism, such as the use of iconographic hand gestures mudras. In their discussion of critical comparisons, Francisca Cho and Richard King Squier argue for the consideration of system theory in order to identify boundaries between religions.
We can identify Buddhism as a system by demarcating it from its surrounding Indian environment, such as the brahmanical traditions against which Buddhists distinguished themselves, as well as other nonbrahmanical movements with which Buddhism dialogued, borrowed, and competed. There are patterns within religious systems that demand attention beyond atomistic exercises. Instead of a search for strict boundaries, systems theory allows for porous boundaries that are coterminous with other systems.
This framework is particularly helpful in the consideration of Buddhism and violence. There are patterns throughout Buddhist traditions that demand attention, particularly the treatment of violence.
This pattern does not prevent overlapping patterns to exist. Western Buddhists might have an understanding of violence that is endemic to the modern Western Christian system; however, this does not mean that these Western Buddhists are outside the Buddhist system. Rather, they inhabit a space in the p. What remains in this analysis is an investigation into the Buddhist view on violence. Violence The discussion of a Buddhist system brings us to the next important term in this book, violence.
While there are instances of physical, emotional, and systemic forms of violence, these often retain negative connotations. Violence possesses positive connotations as well. Just as the Hindu god Shiva enacts destruction for the purposes of procreation, a farmer tears apart the soil before planting new seeds.
This generative property suggests productive and beneficial qualities for violence. Among these benefits is the promise of mental health. Historian of religion Carolyn Walker Bynum makes this powerfully clear in her account of medieval Christian women and their diets, paralleling eating to the birth process: Macerated by teeth before it can be assimilated to sustain life, food mirrors and recapitulates both suffering and fertility.
One example of this need is in the work on early China. In a discussion over Confucian philosophers and their treatment and definition of peace, Robin D. Such works will cover examples of religious ideas and religious people involved in conflicts, wars, and torture and I do no less in my visiting lectures.
These works cater to a politicalized vision of violence, one that relies on state actions. However, there has been work on religion and violence beyond the physical. Psychological and emotional violence is found in historically rooted themes of physical abuse and persecutions, but such academic works are much less pervasive. In point of fact, there is a bevy of articles and books that address religion and psychological trauma; there are also volumes and monographs devoted to discriminatory practices through the intersections of religion and race and religion and gender.
But these investigations are rarely included in larger compilations concerning religion and violence. The penchant to focus on religion and physical acts of violence is not a universal practice, but rather a modern Western practice.
Over the last century, scholars have had to redress misinterpretations concerning non-Western religions, such as the Buddhist system. This problem has been thoroughly excavated by scholars such as Tomoko Masuzawa and Russell McCutcheon. For instance, Martin Southwold notes the Western academic misdirected focus on Buddhist doctrine at the expense of Buddhist practice: In shifting the denotation of violence into this Buddhist context, some examples will work cross-culturally.
The aforementioned Sri Lankan practice of dhammacakke ghahana is an act of torture; implicitly it carries the intention to harm the victim. The dhammacakke ghahana is violence in the Buddhist system, and it is also violence within the Western context. However, there are other examples that do not cross over so easily.
As long as Tibetan Buddhist self- immolaters retain a calm state of mind and are not psychologically impaired, they are not harming themselves or others. In short, Tibetan Buddhist self-immolation is not violent. These are roughly analogous in significance to the Abrahamic Ten Commandments. The power of speech is also underscored in the Eightfold Path—the Buddhist path to liberation. In addition, correct speech is the third of eight requests under the Eightfold Path. The underlining premise in the moral precept and requisite is to use words that do not cause harm.
But this bitch [kaungma], without studying it, kept on complaining about how it is against human rights. Just because some loudmouthed women say so.
Can this bitch really be from a respectable family background? In our country, you are just a whore. You may offer your ass to the kalars, but you will never sell off our Arakan State.
However, for those outside of this perspective, his speech is violent. Monks like U Wirathu have become more outspoken, their speeches more critical of non-Buddhists—or, in particular cases like the preceding, vitriolic and abusive. His speech is part of many in recent years that have incited riots and have reshaped nationalist thought and perspectives on race relations in the country.
Indeed, the p. The pursuit of Buddhist examples of violence will extend beyond the traditional domains of religion and violence. This book showcases two in particular: Chapter 3 examines the violence behind preventing women from becoming ordained in Buddhist traditions. Gender discrimination may not fall traditionally under the umbrella of religion and violence, but it does within the Buddhist system.
Buddhist women have said they have been harmed by this gender-based practice. Chapter 6 reviews the Buddhist view on blasphemy. The Knowing Buddha Organization works to protect the Buddha image from abuse. The members of the organization explain that they feel pain when they see Buddha images being mistreated. The Harm in Researching Violence Work on violence is far from an ivory-tower exercise; it carries a sense of gravitas that can damage or hinder academic ventures.
My earlier fieldwork in the conflict zone of southern Thailand was not without costs. Due to my work in the conflict zone and the dangers therein, I suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD ; this psychological toll became the impetus for my work in Chapter 5. Beyond the psychological damage that comes with this work, there are also political repercussions. Chapter 3 provides one clear example of this in the discussion of female ordinations.
Thailand had recently undergone a military coup, which was followed with an escalation in censorship to its academia and media. My purposes were twofold: A paper on the politics of female ordination was banned because of sociopolitical concerns. Violence is not simply a physical act, or an external act. A ban such as this can be interpreted as an act of violence; simultaneously, supporters of the ban can argue that the ban serves to protect Buddhism from violence a subject treated extensively in Chapter 6.
While Chapter 3 addresses the issue of female ordination—a revision of the paper that was banned from the UNDV Celebrations and Academic Conference—Chapter 2 critiques the Thai monarchy.
This subject carries significant dangers as well. In , journalist Andrew MacGregor Marshall reflected upon this prior to releasing his critiques of the Thai government and monarchy: For the past month, I have worked 16 hours a day, without pay, on a story that is likely to be widely denounced. It is a story that has already cost me a job I loved with Reuters, after a year career. There is a risk—small, but real —that I will face international legal action.
And several people who I consider friends will be dismayed, and probably never talk to me again. In mid- November , his book A Kingdom in Crisis: This has deterred Marshall from returning to Thailand; in a similar way, I may be prevented from returning to Thailand as well, given the nature of Chapter 2. Every evening at the end of his shift, as the worker leaves the factory, he rolls out his wheelbarrow, which is carefully inspected.
Nothing is ever found. Finally, one day, they realize what was happening: In pursuit of larger patterns, this book provides six approaches to Buddhist treatments of violence. Each of the chapters provides material that could be a book in itself.
However, the intent here is not to explore one particular Buddhist treatment of violence, but rather to explore the wide range of possibilities. In an attempt to sample from this spectrum, the first three chapters focus on the ways in which Buddhists enact violence, while the last three chapters focus on the ways in which Buddhists react as recipients of violence. The book ends with a postscript on Buddhist authority and the theoretical challenges in assessing Buddhists, politics, and violence.
Chapter 1 tracks various Buddhist paths to killing, conflict, and war.
The first of these paths is through doctrine, which provides exceptions to the rule on killing. In addition to doctrinal methods, Buddhist espouse prima facie logic to justify violence. Finally, this chapter introduces the relevance of heuristics in the understanding of Buddhism and violence.
Chapter 2 examines the Buddhist influences and support of state violence. Within this political system, Buddhist monks retain uniquely powerful moral political authority.
Using the Thai monarchy under King Bhumibol as a case study, this chapter traces the ways in which Buddhist monks direct their influence to support harmful laws and violent regimes in the postmodern world. Chapter 3 examines the structural violence embedded in Buddhist gender-dynamics. Thailand has maintained an year ban on female ordination by a Thai Supreme Patriarch Sangharaja. This ban harms women who desire the same p.
Chapter 4 details the ways in which Buddhist monks negotiate ways to support the military and their violent duties. In the United States, Buddhist military chaplains have encountered new contexts in which to understand and relate to Buddhist doctrine. In a similar way, Buddhist military chaplains in Thailand have encountered new contexts and new roles.
Through a very detailed and restrictive process in which Buddhist monks must disrobe to become military chaplains, they create a new liminal identity in Buddhist traditions. They are neither lay, nor monk. This chapter provides a powerful example of how violence requires changes in Buddhist traditions.
Chapter 5 examines the ways Buddhists cope with violence. Reviewing the academic and popular discourses on Buddhist coping strategies, this chapter co-authored by Wattana Prohmpetch and David A.
Chapter 6 addresses the violence of blasphemy in the Buddhist system. Buddhists and Buddhist scriptures view the slandering of the Buddhist doctrine, relics, and images as physically harming the longevity of Buddhism. Buddhists have termed such actions a form of blasphemy. This chapter reviews various Buddhist traditions that provide doctrinal contexts to blasphemy and its harm.
The Postscript explores a new way to diagnose Buddhist roles in violence. Often, the media and scholars examine the role of Buddhist scriptures and Buddhist practices with regard to violence, but in doing so they overlook the authoritative dimension that Buddhist monks have, independent of these two sources.
Matthew Walton and I challenge this trend with a look at monks like U Wirathu, who religiously legitimize violence outside of the traditional authoritative dimensions of orthodoxy and orthopraxy. In the act of stepping back and disentangling ourselves from the more visible assumptions of religion and violence, we find that one of the largest blind spots is the failure to recognize the religious subjectivity of violence, itself.