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PDF | This study aims to gain an in-depth understanding of the values of dalam novel Bulan Terbelah di Langit Amerika karya Hanum Salsabiela Rais dan R angga . Ayah Tercinta and 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa (Ferdiansyah, ). Bulan Terbelah di Langit Amerika(BTDLA)karya Hanum dan Rangga . Ayah Tercinta and 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa (Ferdiansyah, ). _Review Novel bulan terbelah di langit - Download as Word Doc Download as DOC, PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd also apply the 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa and publishes the Bulan Terbelah di Langit.

Mengapa daerah jelajah gajah, harimau, beruang, dan kerbau liar semakin sempit? Chapter Five deals with issues of ethnicity, especially how ethnicity is perceived as a fluid signifier of identity and how it intertwines with gender. The strategy of bringing together two incompatible images of Jakarta, as both a preying prostitute and a female victim of sexual objectification, results in a blurred demarcation between the notion of the city as a predatory female devourer and that of women as objects victimized or consumed by the city because of their gender. Di pantai, kami makan, bercakap panjang hingga ayahmu tertidur di pinggir gerumbun bakau p. Mari pergi pp. Banyak orang singgah.

Yusuf Al-Hajj Ahmad. Ibn Kathir. Diyar Harraz Goodreads Author. Kelsey Rea Goodreads Author. Sahar Abdulaziz Goodreads Author. Marmaduke William Pickthall. Aisha Malik Goodreads Author. Ismail Kamdar. Juwairiah J. Cheikh Hamidou Kane Translation. Shagufta Malik. Pauls Toutonghi. Clyde-Ahmed Winters. Juwairiah Simpson. Ahmad Adil Kamal.

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Add books from: My Books or a Search. There was a nation-wide consensus that the regime had failed miserably and the Asian monetary crisis that began to hit the region in served as a turning point for the nation to redefine itself.

Democratization processes took place in almost all aspects of life, especially in politics, but two issues stood out as the highlights of Reformasi: Changes have been taking place since then in almost all aspects of life, initially causing to a large extent a kind of euphoria as people became deeply engrossed in the celebration of freedom and openness.

Reformasi was also a defining moment in the contemporary history of Indonesian literature, as works by emerging young writers represent a significant break from the aesthetic norms that had been shaped by the rigid socio-political structure of the old regime.

However, lately there have been indications of reactionary attempts to halt the change and reinstate some elements of the old regime: In April , Ayu Utami published her first novel, Saman, which was hailed by many critics as the starting point of a new trend in Indonesian writing since it brings the female body and sexuality into the center of the narrative.

Saman not only provided a revolutionary way of depicting women in Indonesian literature, but also offered the reader an explicitly feminine way of perceiving women. The success of Saman led to the publication of works by other new writers such as Fira Basuki, Dewi Lestari, Nukila Amal, Dinar Rahayu, Nova Riyanti Yusuf, Djenar Maesa Ayu, to mention just a few, that served as a breath of fresh air in the male-dominated world of Indonesian literature.

A derogatory term, sastrawangi, somehow came into widespread circulation. The novel also contains raunchy sexual scenes and images that provoked heated debates amongst critics and moralists alike. It was not until that the Parliament ratified a law that gives women a thirty per cent quota in the nomination of parliamentary candidates by the political parties participating in general elections.

The sastrawangi discourse has eventually served as a backlash in the whole debate surrounding the contribution of this new generation of women writers, especially since it disproportionately focuses on themes related to sexuality and overlooks the other aspects of their works that may address equally important issues related to women and their experiences.

The sastrawangi debate was short-lived as it has no longer been an issue of any significance since , yet its repercussions are quite long-lasting. This study focuses primarily on the cultural and political significance of these works in the changing landscape of Indonesian cultural politics today, especially in regard to the politics of national identity. The sastrawangi controversy is not the main focus of my attention; in fact, I intend to steer attention away from discussions of sexuality and the representation of the female body, as I believe that the works produced by a number of women writers have other interesting insights to offer than mere explorations of sexuality.

Unfortunately, these other aspects have been overshadowed by the inflation of sexual themes in many of the studies undertaken so far.

Objectives The fiction produced by many post-Suharto women writers, in my opinion, contributes significantly to rethinking the nation. There seems to be awareness among these writers that the dominant discourse of the nation inculcated by the New Order was not only repressive to heterogeneity but also marginalized women in particular.

In the New Order era, however, national unity was heavily prioritized at the expense of the other aspects. In such a construct, nationalism was transformed into a rigid doctrine that should be obeyed without question.

The ultimate goal was to create a centralized state in which unity prevailed over anything else. In the process, the state frequently resorted to what appeared as a divide-and-conquer tactic similar to that deployed by the colonial regime in the pre-independence period in order to ensure that no party or group become too powerful or posed a threat to the ruling power.

The ideology of unity was therefore used to serve the need to accumulate power solely in the hands of the state, which was personified by the figure of the national leader, the president.

A wide range of perspectives and strategies are employed in these works in their critical engagement with the dominant discourses, and this shows that the writers are seriously concerned with the processes of democratization that the country is undergoing, as well as actively participating in those processes through cultural production. However, their works also reveal the internal tension between the urge to establish a critical distance from the New Order and the magnetic force of the status quo, which tries to pull 22 Penataran P4 was the most notorious, as it was a series of intensive workshop-style brainwashing programs that civil servants and public school students nation-wide had to attend.

After all, most if not all of these writers were born or grew up during the New Order period, and were thus significantly influenced by it. Previous Research Much has been written on the works of the post generation of writers, including women, but most of the literary criticism published so far tends to deal with themes related to sexuality, the sastrawangi controversy, or intrigues surrounding the private lives of the authors. Stefan Danerek presents an overview of literary developments in Indonesia from the revolutionary era to the Reformasi, encompassing both male and female authors from those periods.

His discussion focuses more on some sastrawangi writers and the aesthetic debate that followed. She examines the main female protagonist by situating her in the global-local nexus of intercultural relations, in 23 Danerek, Tjerita and Novel However, while some writers have begun to explore the maternal body more deeply, traces of patriarchal ideology remain persistent in their fiction.

Prasetyo arrives at the conclusion that the short stories serve as a self-critique of their own medium and a commentary on the age of images in which we are all trapped today. It has little to do with experimentation with images or the medium of expression. This short story is one of the texts that will be examined in the present study.

A year earlier, Julia Suryakusuma had written about the relationship between nation and culture through a comparative analysis of Rojak , a novel written by Fira Basuki, and Sekuntum Bunga Nozomi , written by Marga T. Suryakusuma concludes that both works try to give more space to gender and sexuality in the construction of national identity, and claim that women can play an equally important role as men in representing the nation.

Method and Scope The works of a number of post-Suharto women writers are divided into five categories, based on the primary issues addressed and the perspectives adopted by the authors: These five categories serve as entry points, leading towards a discussion of the redefinition of the nation as one of the most important endeavors undertaken by women writers in the Reformasi era.

All of the works will be analyzed using conceptual and analytical tools provided by a wide range of feminist theories, thus bringing to the foreground a feminist perspective that serves as the primary framework for the entire study and its goals. This being said, I must also acknowledge that, as a male researcher, my position is always already problematic, and as a result there may be inadvertent gender biases in the ways in which various feminist theories are applied to the works.

In a similar way, Ien Ang describes how the presence of women in a dominant center can serve as an intervention in order to transform that center. Ang points out the ambivalent nature of this space, and Chow sees that the margin— because of its advantages and disadvantages—carries with it a tactical potential. They also allow me to deal with contradictions and ambiguities that some of the works contain within themselves in order to better understand the complexities of these works.

Their theorizing work and engagements prove to be very helpful in opening up more possibilities for my analyses. The works of these scholars also serve as a constant reminder of my own problematic position as a male-bodied person writing about women in the works of women writers, and the inevitable implications of such positioning. Works by Nukila Amal and Djenar Maesa Ayu that specifically deal with these issues are analyzed in order to see how these writers attempt to distance themselves from the dominant discourse on urbanism, while at the same time taking part in the preservation of that discourse—if not in its construction—since they themselves were born, grew up, and resided, and still reside in big cities.

The sense of isolation and immobilization experienced by urban middle-class women as a result of being located in the capital city is examined, along with the ways in which they come to terms with a sense of disempowerment. In Chapter Three, I explore how the maritime and archipelagic perspectives are introduced and employed in several short stories in order to offer alternative ways of defining and understanding the nation.

While bodies of water and the sea are not necessarily new images in contemporary Indonesian fiction, the ways in which they are used to frame and shape certain themes are quite novel and can be considered as a distinct contribution of post women writers.

Works written by Hanna Rambe, Nukila Amal, and Linda Christanty, which give the outer islands and people living in the margins of the archipelago a focal point in the narrative, are examined to see to what extent these perspectives may contribute to the formation of a new construction of Indonesianness that subverts the dominant discourse. Both Chapters Two and Three address the spatial dimension of nationhood within Indonesia, which are complemented by the last chapter, which discusses the location of Indonesianness in the global-local nexus.

While Islam has been part of Indonesian cultural formation for centuries, the New Order was quite successful in suppressing Islamic radicalization in Indonesia. Chapter Four focuses on how two women writers deal with this issue and, in addition, explores how they address issues related to the revitalization of adat, by which women quite often find themselves being disadvantaged.

The weakening of the unitary state ideology has also brought about movements that aim at incorporating adat in the formulation of regional autonomy as part of the post-New Order decentralization processes. Chapter Five deals with issues of ethnicity, especially how ethnicity is perceived as a fluid signifier of identity and how it intertwines with gender.

The end of the New Order was tragically marked by riots and looting that took place in mid-May , in which the rape of Chinese-Indonesian women occurred in several major cities on Java. The focus here is on two works by women authors, Lan Fang and Clara Ng, who specifically take on the entanglement of ethnicity and gender.

Chapter Six turns to two writers who take a cosmopolitan viewpoint in coming to terms with post-Suharto Indonesia. The main question is whether such a notion represents a radical break with the New Order ideology of unity or still carries with it remnants of that ideology. The final concluding chapter ties all of the key points together so that a comprehensive picture of what is being proposed by post women writers in regard to how Indonesia could be alternatively viewed may begin to become visible.

Whether their proposals represent a radical break from the New Order nationalist discourses or problematically reinscribe those discourses as well as resisting them will be assessed and clarified.

It is clear that the dominant discourses of national identity are not a coherent and unified set of thoughts that is easy to deconstruct, even when their physical or geographical centers, namely Jakarta and Java, can be significantly destabilized by shifting the gravity to the periphery, as some of the writers in question attempt to do.

On the one hand, the nation-state came into being as an outcome of a struggle by the people to free themselves from colonial subjugation. On the other hand, the new nation-state had to adopt many features and models of a modern governing system that had been introduced by the former master.

Therefore, instead of reinstating the pre-colonial feudal system, the nation supposedly adopted a republican governing system founded on the trias politica principle in which the executive, legislative, and judiciary powers are clearly demarcated. Yet this process is not without some contradictions, particularly in regard to the New Order politics, as will be clear later in this chapter. Most importantly, Indonesia—as it became at the declaration of independence in August —was an amalgamation of numerous thousands of islands and hundreds of ethnic groups sprawling across the archipelago located between the Asian and Australian continents.

The archipelago briefly fell under the rule of England, when the English took over the Dutch colonial possessions for five years during the Napoleonic Wars in Europe. The Dutch colonial administration strongly objected to this naming. When the Japanese invaded in early , many of the nationalist leaders considered them liberators and chose to collaborate with them. They feared that the Dutch would make their return, along with the Allied contingents that were sent to disarm the Japanese soldiers and free the European POWs.

An ad hoc committee was set up in order to formulate the form of the new state, its territorial boundaries and national ideology. While sentiments against Western powers heightened, many nationalist leaders were, in fact, Western-educated. Their frame of reference for the new nation, therefore, demanded the formation of a national culture that would unite all the citizens. In this period of the Revolution, some nationalist leaders accepted Dutch offers of scholarships to study in the Netherlands.

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This was not considered an act of betrayal, because the newly-born 2 See Hering, Soekarno , pp. This federal state lasted only a year.

In the s, the new republic witnessed a series of separatist attempts by some regions to leave the federation, which undermined the authority of the central government in Jakarta. Many of the rebel leaders were formerly revolutionary fighters 6 See Siegel, Fetish, Recognition, Revolution , pp.

Further, they felt superior to the peasantry, and this gave them the necessary justification for ruling over them. Western powers such as the United States and Australia supported Sukarno in the United Nations by putting pressures on the Netherlands to let go of its last stronghold in the archipelago, in hope of preventing Sukarno from leaning further towards communist China and Russia.

This is why, Anderson 9 Ibid. Yet his eventual downfall in could be attributed to exactly the same factor that had brought him success: Sukarno tried to unite the three major forces in Indonesia, the nationalist, the religious, and the communist groups, with a tragic outcome, as he was stripped of power by Suharto in the aftermath of a relatively bloodless coup, following the slaying of seven army officers, supposedly by a militant faction of the Indonesian Communist Party, on the night of September 30, According to Anderson, in Javanese shadow puppet stories as well as in Javanese ancient history, the capital city of a kingdom and the kingdom per se are never strictly differentiated from each other pp.

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The center or the capital city always represents the entire state or kingdom. Sukarno was considered to be leaning too far to the left, and his anti-imperialist and anti-Western stance bothered not only elements in the army that were keen on building closer relationships with the West but also Western superpowers such as the United States and Britain. Adrian Vickers asserts that by the PKI claimed that it had more than three million followers and more than twenty million sympathizers, making it the most powerful political party in Indonesia.

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The consensus among various scholars is that the event was a culmination of the prolonged tension between the army and the PKI. However, the movement was so poorly organized that in a very short time the army, under General Suharto, managed to take over control of Jakarta, and by the dawn of October 1st the movement had been crushed. The army began a nation-wide campaign blaming the PKI as the perpetrator of the coup.

Islamic Fiction

The army and Suharto were hailed by both the domestic population and Western community as saviors of the country from the Communist coup. The principle difference between the two is that the former suggests that the event was actually a military coup against Sukarno, whereas the latter argues that some rogue elements of the PKI played a key role in the action in which some army generals were abducted and eventually lost their lives.

More than a million others were imprisoned without trial. He died in from chronic illness while under house arrest. The presidential decree of March 11, , which gave almost full authority to Suharto to restore peace and order, was used by the New Order regime to serve as a primary source of legitimacy for its existence and actions thereafter.

Just a day after the decree was issued, Suharto used it to ban the PKI. Because of his anti-communist stance, Suharto won favor with Western powers, and foreign aid programs for Indonesia were restored. Some of the most striking were the domination exerted by Java and a sense of nationhood that was centralized rather than pluralistic. Comparing Sukarno and Suharto, Michael Vatikiotis suggests that both of them provide compelling evidence of a political culture with one foot in the past; of a society resistant to change.

One facet of this political culture is of crucial importance to understanding why Sukarno commanded popularity while people starved, why Suharto 20 Ibid. Nevertheless, Suharto had more reasons to limit political participation because he believed that economic growth was paramount for the country. Developmentalism was not merely an economic agenda but had far reaching repercussions. It provided the army with a justification for tightening its grip on the nation, since order and stability were a conditio sine qua non for economic growth.

Roeder, in his book The Smiling General , seems to fit perfectly with the image the leader wanted to project. Behind the famous smile was a cunning mind capable of engineering mass murder without flinching. See Wood, ibid. As Bapak, Suharto was assumed to embrace and safeguard the nation. To make matters worse, there was a feeling that a deliberate Javanization process was taking place.

He himself was a retired five-star general, and his inner circle included many army generals: Many of his cabinet ministers were also retired army officers who were loyal to him or had done a favor for him in the past. Suharto and his generals chose to maintain the military presence in the government in order to safeguard national stability, lest it be overturned by those deemed to be enemies of the state. The result was the demonization of the left and suppression of free thought.

In relation to women, this demonization of the PKI affected them significantly because politically active women were frequently associated with the banned Gerwani.

Together with some other organizations such as Korpri, 40 Dharma Wanita, and PKK, Golkar served as a means of ensuring that members had a single loyalty mono-loyalitas to the New Order only. The structures of these organizations were quite rigid and hierarchical, and there was not much space for creativity or individual initiatives as the organizational line was based on a top-down approach. Furthermore, these organizations were used as fertile grounds for ideological indoctrination through the Penataran P4 mentioned earlier, in which members were subjected to intensive, multi-hour crash courses on state- sanctioned models of behavior and values based on the state ideology of Pancasila.

All organizations—public or private—were required to state in their constitutions their loyalty to Pancasila. Thus, an enormous number of docile and unconditionally loyal citizens was created throughout the archipelago to help the regime preserve the status quo for more than thirty years. Only the multidimensional crisis that befell Indonesia in had the power to initiate a regime change.

It contained internal contradictions that made it almost impossible to work effectively without the coercive power of the military to support it. The practices of favoring the Javanese over the other ethnic groups while promulgating the rhetoric of equality before the law, resulting in Golkar receiving the majority vote in every election during the New Order period.

Suharto himself served as Head of the Advisory Council of Golkar. All civil servants were automatic members of this organization. Korpri was always mobilized to vote for Golkar in elections. Rather than a new form of the divide-and-conquer tactic, these contradictions should be understood as a coherent and integral aspect of the Javanese concept of power.

Unlike the Western concept of power, which emphasizes the ways in which it is exercised, in the Javanese conception power is primarily about its accumulation, because power is perceived as concrete and homogeneous. What a leader needs is the concentration of power in his personality, and conversely a leader loses legitimacy when such a concentration is distracted or diffused. He did not strive for compromise, but tried to secure the loyalty of each group. The transmigration program created tensions among ethnic groups, but at the same time it was also a means of maintaining balance so that no ethnic group could become dominant.

This was achieved by relocating people from Java, Madura, and Bali to other islands. The Muslims were given freedom to develop various aspects of Islamic culture, but severely constrained from being too political. However, this success was built upon foreign debt and foreign direct investment FDI rather than self-reliance.

The army provided protection to investors, especially from any threat related to industrial relations issues, while the bureaucrats facilitated smooth procedures and the necessary licenses. This resulted in systemic cronyism at almost all levels of bureaucracy nation-wide. In addition, they were prohibited from practicing their ancestral traditions in public. Already in the early s Suharto was inclined to allow his own children to become involved in lucrative business ventures and establish monopolies over some agricultural and manufacturing goods.

This shift marks the beginning of the Reformasi, in which Indonesia embarked on its journey towards democratization and openness. As the nation began 46 See Schwarz, ibid. This is why the Reformasi era is a transition period that is overwhelmingly marked by enormous demands for social, cultural, political and economic rights and equality from all sides.

This provides a further basis to reassess the perception that the New Order targeted its discriminatory practices at a few specific groups only. The divide-and-conquer tactic of the pre-independence period was concerned with pitching one group against another so that there would never be harmony among them, but Suharto did not seem to have such a scheme in mind. The term SARA was coined by the state to serve as a reminder for the people not to raise such potentially divisive issues in the public sphere.

In the time of the Revolution, Indonesian women managed to continue their annual congress amidst the armed conflict between the returning Dutch military and Indonesian guerillas.

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Even at a very young age, Kartini had been critical of the social injustice resulting from the practices of some Islamic doctrine and adat, as well as the colonial education policy that discriminated against women. She died not long after giving birth to her first baby at the age of twenty-five.

In the wake of the Reformasi, women activists outside the Kowani structure provided support for student protesters who occupied the parliament building. Suryakusuma argues that containing women in the primary categories of housewives and mothers was the most convenient means of controlling women in the New Order state.

As the state was in full control of its civil servants, who in turn controlled their wives, the imposition of gender hierarchy was achieved.

The movements already early on contained many contradictions and conflicts, as demonstrated by what happened with many of the coalitions after Suharto was ousted from power. For instance, in the aftermath of the May riots, in which hundreds of Chinese women became victims of mass-rape, women activists who were involved in providing advocacy and protection for the victims were bitterly divided on several key issues. She discusses the difficulties of dealing with difference 62 that cannot be resolved merely through communication.

Although ideological divides and conflicts occur among women activists, there is still a shared belief that establishing alliances is not only possible but also necessary, as it will open up more grounds for activism and give women from different backgrounds ample opportunities to get out of their domestic confinement, be exposed to different realities, and make their voices heard.

Whereas western-based third-world intellectuals such as Ang and Mohanty focus almost exclusively on the differences within and among women in explaining the impossibility of long-term coalitions, Budianta seems to believe that if the organizing and human resource issues can be addressed, Indonesian women may be able to work together despite ideological divisions.

During the activism in the wake of the Reformasi, for instance, the lack of human resources resulted in a limited number of people circulating from one activity to another. Even in civil society there is a visible lack of interest in involving women in the socialization and implementation of decentralization and regional autonomy Noerdin, In the post-Suharto era, in addition to having to struggle against the state power and a male-dominated political system, Indonesian women have seen the advent of new political and cultural forces that pose a serious threat to the democratization process in general and gender equality in particular, i.

In many regions, the local governments produce bylaws with strong Islamic nuances that require women to wear the Islamic headdress jilbab in their work places, schools and other public places in blatant disregard of the Constitution. Some local leaders require that all activities have to be stopped during the pronouncement of the azan call for prayer transmitted from mosques by loudspeakers. Both shariah and customary laws frequently go hand in hand to strengthen the patriarchal grip on society.

Since then, many young women writers have emerged, but some of them seemed to purposefully exploit sexual themes, as they realized that the time was ripe for such themes to be used as a selling point. Therefore, one needs to take seriously the critique of Alia Swastika, who asserts that openness 69 Information regarding the implementation of shariah-based local bylaws is accessible on the website of the Independent Media Center Jakarta, http: Some women writers have been able to answer the skepticism directed against them by mainstream literary critics and the media by seriously demonstrating that they are equally concerned with engaging in other social issues that directly or indirectly affect women and by offering fresh, original insights on those issues.

The dominant view gives a false impression that before women were totally silenced and that there were no serious works produced by or about women. Very little attention has been devoted to how women have been represented in literary works in Indonesia, with the exception of one significant study undertaken by Tineke Hellwig.

Dini and Marga T. Hellwig argues that women had already played a significant role in literary production in that period. Indonesian women have always had to resist the imposition of kodrat destiny , which requires them to take a passive, secondary role in society, even, and especially, during the New Order period. This nurturing aspect attributed to women was frequently foregrounded, and it further reinforced the notion of kodrat. Commenting on an anthology on modern Indonesian literature by Foulcher and Day , 82 Hatley points out that it does not contain any essay on women writers and their works.

She examines several works written by women since the s. The truth is that as early as the s and the s there were successful women writers, such as Selasih, Hamidah, Arti Poerbani, and Soewarsih Djojopoespito, but some wrote in Dutch. Rukiah published her novel Kejatuhan dan Hati The Downfall and the Heart , having already published poems in various magazines since The s saw many more women writers who were not only active in cultural activities but also involved in cultural politics.

Rukiah was listed as a Lekra member, 84 along with another woman writer, Sugiarti Siswandi. Other fiction writers were Titie Said, S.

Tjahjaningsih, Titis Basino, Ernisiswati 80 Ibid. Foulcher and T. Day, Clearing a Space , in which she is one of the contributors. Dini, Marga T. Most of their stories evolve around heterosexual relationships, including marriage, pregnancy, children, and sometimes rape. While female characters are given a primary role, they are forced to comply with heteronormativity and conventional values, at the expense of personal desire and individual freedom.

Both Pramoedya Ananta Toer and Y. As emblems of total resistance, such figures are depicted as unaffected by the inherent 85 Information is gathered from http: This attitude still comes out in the official discourse of the supposedly regional government of Jakarta nowadays, despite the introduction of decentralization throughout the country as a result of the Reformasi.

The idea of the nation remains predominantly shaped by the assumption that Jakarta is the center that holds the entire nation together. Thus, there is a continuation of the prevalent view of Jakarta as the seat of centralized power, which began with Sukarno in the s and s and continued all the way through the New Order era under Suharto, who ruled for thirty-two years. It is primarily for this reason that the official discourse of Jakarta is frequently imbued with the notions of beauty and order.

At the end of the s and in the early s, for example, the supposedly smart and catchy slogan BMW, standing for Bersih clean , Manusiawi humane , and ber-Wibawa dignified , was introduced by then Governor Wiyogo Atmodarminto. It is interesting to see how a slogan that claims to promote beauty, humanity, and dignity is purposefully articulated by the abbreviation BMW, which is more widely known as an up-market brand of luxurious and expensive German car.

A few years prior to the Reformasi, another slogan that very much conveyed the same old message but was given new packaging came to replace BMW. While carrying a strong religious connotation in terms of its surface message, the new slogan is actually an acronym that stands for a string of positive attributes given to the capital city.

Even now, in the Reformasi era, it is still quite common to see both slogans prominently displayed on official billboards and banners all around Jakarta, which indicates that such ideals persist and prevail despite the change of power and the coming of a new era of democratization.

Jakarta is the center of cultural production, and the Reformasi opened up new avenues in this area. Like their predecessors, these authors offer critical views on what has been, and is, taking place in the country, but I want to argue that there are at least two novel elements that uniquely belong to the work of these post writers. The first is the incorporation of gendered views into their narratives, a perspective that is linked, in a highly problematic manner, to the second element, which is their representation of the capital city.

Jakarta serves not merely as a physical setting, but also plays a determining role in shaping the consciousness of the characters and their actions in these narratives. To date, I have yet to find any in-depth research that takes urbanism in the work of women writers in Indonesia as its primary focus.

There are, of course, some critical commentaries about the capital city in essays produced by writers such as Goenawan Mohamad 3 and Seno Gumira Ajidarma, 4 but they do not make any attempt to incorporate this aspect and elaborate on their ideas in their main literary endeavors.

Other leading women writers who were writing long before , such as N. This shows a growing sense of alienation amongst the citizens of Jakarta with regard to the city pp. It is portrayed from a distinctly feminine perspective, and critiques and reflections on the city are generated from this vantage point.

However, since many of these writers are urbanites and they participate on a daily basis in the complexities of the urban life style that they critically explore in their works, the artistic outcomes of such critiques of urbanism entail a high degree of irony.

This is how these women writers distinguish themselves from their more senior, male counterparts, such as Goenawan Mohamad and Seno Gumira Ajidarma. They started their writing careers in this city, and have established themselves as two must-read, current Indonesian women writers. Based on my reading of their work and the ways in which the capital city is represented in official discourse, as briefly laid out earlier, I will address two questions: The work incited heated debates and controversy amongst its readers and critics alike as soon as it was published, because of its bold representation of the female body and sexuality.

This is mostly considered to be immoral and vulgar, to the point that it is labeled by some adversaries as pornography. The second question is about alternative views of Jakarta as offered by these writers: The answers to these questions will help us assess more carefully the contribution of these post women writers to the ongoing process of re- imagining the nation since Cala Ibi: The protagonist, Maia, lives in two different worlds, one being the world of dreams and imagination, the other the world of her everyday reality; yet the plot is constructed in such a way that the boundaries of these two worlds become blurred and impossible to demarcate clearly.

The somber observation of the city that she makes from behind the window of the car deserves serious attention, because it results primarily from an ironic sense of being entrapped within the confines of the car rather than from being stuck in the traffic jam.

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Between her and the world outside there is only a thin layer of glass, yet this is what separates her small and private safe space inside the car from the dangerous street. The only factor that prevents Maia from being totally lured by this illusion is the fact that her car is unable to move, stuck in the heavy traffic congestion.

Despite the sense of safety that the cozy interior of the car seems to offer, Maia somehow feels insecure. Another means of expressing her insecurity is by portraying the street as a metonymy of the city in which fear of public space predominates.

Through a range of stylistic and thematic strategies, Nukila offers us a representation of Jakarta as an allegory of the nation. That the city is portrayed as feminine is not a new idea. Implied in the above description is a notion that an appearance of beauty matters most, and the city is expected first and foremost to be a public spectacle—built and fashioned in order to be seen on a very superficial level.

Yet, underneath that skin-deep beauty, the city hides its ugly real face, ridden with heaps of unsolved social problems.

What is interesting in the description of the city as a prostitute who is already past her prime and desperate to maintain her appearance of beauty, is that in the process the city falls victim to its own phantasmagoric images.

Nukila does not stop short at merely describing Jakarta as an inauthentic and dangerous site of deceitful attractions through a demonic feminine portrayal. She also employs another strategy of representation which allows her to situate women in an urban setting that is hostile to femininity.

Addressing the reader by the use of the pronoun you, the narrator seems to speak directly to an addressee rather than through the protagonist: Yet it is also this fear that helps women develop their sense of difference, from which it is just a step away to a struggle for a distinct space of their own in a city that tends to victimize women instead of protecting them.

The strategy of bringing together two incompatible images of Jakarta, as both a preying prostitute and a female victim of sexual objectification, results in a blurred demarcation between the notion of the city as a predatory female devourer and that of women as objects victimized or consumed by the city because of their gender.

Such a juxtaposition, in effect, serves a dual purpose: If Kusno is right to say that the middle class and the urban poor are competing for public space in the city, 11 then Cala Ibi seems to suggest that, in such a competition for space, women are on the same side as the urban poor as they both share a common experience of marginalization in the city.

Yet this marginalization becomes the source of fear in women, whereas the poor urban masses tend to be constantly criminalized in official discourses about Jakarta and seen as a threat. Jika kau lupa apa jenis kelaminmu, berjalan-jalanlah keliling kota, atau naiklah bis kota, dan jika tubuhmu seperti bukan milikmu, tapi sebuah properti publik, berarti kau perempuan p.

He further adds that this new sense of vulnerability leads the middle class to the conclusion that it is not only unsafe for them to be on the streets of Jakarta, but even their homes no longer provide safety The street is depicted as the most dangerous place in the city, yet once again this sense of danger does not come out from a close encounter with the street, for the protagonist is safely protected inside her car.

Instead, a sense of powerlessness inevitably emerges from the fact that the car is stuck in the middle of a traffic jam, and so the sense of danger that Maia feels is an ironic one.

The car is emblematic of mobility, an important characteristic that the city strives to identify with, as opposed to the static and unchanging nature of rural areas. In the middle of a traffic jam, this technological embodiment of mobility suddenly becomes paralyzed and its function is ironically reversed.

Instead of representing mobility, the car becomes part of a mechanism for instilling fear into the heart of the human subject that is supposed to be in control behind the steering wheel. Trapped in the traffic jam, the car is a sitting duck and appears more like a suffocating cage. In her automobile she may seem the predator of freeways—she may even become the female private eye.

The hideous image of the street that she depicts in this chapter 12 Amal, ibid.: Dan hanya paranoia, yang membuatku bisa tetap waspada terhadap apa dan siapa-siapa di luar sini. Yang membuatku terus bertahan mengikuti ritus kemacetan di jalanan, senang-taksenang, melupa—seperti sengkarut jalanan kota ini p. Jalanan yang memberi ancaman mencelahkan kuburan, memakan orang hidup-hidup, mengurai orang jadi darah daging usus lepas tak rapi… Seseorang tak pernah pasti hidupnya sisa dua puluh menit lagi, atau dua menit p.

Aku mengingat jalan-jalan tak bernama. Di sana tak ada pahlawan, monumen perjuangan, asap buangan kendaraan, papan iklan, rambu-rambu peraturan. Di sana, jalan-jalan tak bernama, aku merasa aman, jauh dari semua ini. From within the same interiority of the car, she is not only able to experience fear but also, gradually, to be positively inspired by what she sees outside and around the comfort of the car. This resonates with what Wilson suggests elsewhere, that, in spite of its problems, the city offers more freedom and opportunity than rural life, even to the poor.

A man crossing the street becomes an angel in disguise. A young man sitting at the bus stop is probably a cyborg coming from the future, to change a life. And the old woman sitting next to him probably comes from the past. Kota mendengung giat, udara hangat, mobil-mobil tampak seperti permen warna-warni jeruk stroberi caramel vanilla, langit berbalon iklan rupa-rupa warnanya, angin menarikan bunga menggugurkan daun, anak- anak jalanan tertawa bergigi susu bertulang rawan.

Seorang bapak menyeberang tampak seperti malaikat turun menyamar. Lelaki muda yang duduk di halte bis mungkin seorang cyborg yang datang dari masa depan, hendak mengubah sebuah kehidupan.

Dan perempuan tua yang duduk di sebelahnya mungkin datang dari masa lalu p. At this point, the street is transformed into a rich source of imaginative inspiration, once she is willing to commit herself to the city by adopting a participatory stance instead of remaining a passive spectator. In other words, once the psychological barrier that separates the interior the car and the exterior the street collapses, the city begins to reveal its advantages. The above quotation further suggests that, as the psychological barrier that bars the female subject from the city crumbles, social division between the protagonist as a member of the middle class and the street children as part of the underclass is also loosening up.

The view expressed in the above quotation can be seen to contain a subjective positioning of the protagonist in terms of her relation with the city, as well as her attempt to come to terms with her fear of the city, to wrestle the city away from the dominant urban discourse that is responsible for creating the social divisions from which fear originates, and to turn the city into a liberating, rather than marginalizing, force.

While safety remains a paramount issue, women 20 See also Kusno, Behind the Postcolonial , for a discussion of how the New Order regime purposefully maintained the divide between the middle class and the underclass by creating a mutual distrust between them, which is manifested in making the street a space of fear for the middle class.

Also kind enough to feed lost children at its intersections, showing compassion to women beggars carrying babies at their breasts. Moreover, the problematic relationship between the capital city as a representation of the nation and the nation it is supposed to represent is brought to the surface.

In this chapter, Maia is again stuck in traffic that barely moves. It is getting dark, and Jakarta begins to bathe itself in lights. Maia is consciously fighting against the overwhelming temptation to immerse herself in the false promises emanating from the glittering advertising billboards along the street. S3 and research activities. Finally the truth all Philips Brown the millionaire reveals the truth that in a man named Abe became a hero to phillipus Brown yes the most important person until phillipus Brown survived and saved himself.

At the same time Rangga was also ordered to go to a presentation and went to Philip Brown in Washington. This novel tells about the meaning of defending a belief on the history of the history of Islamic development in America and its development up to now with the style of language so light that it is easy to understand the storyline of the novel is very interesting with a mixture groove that is packed in such a way that the story is so exciting and enforcing but every he said the terms of the meaning.

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