Peter Trudgill Sociolinguistics an Introduction to Language and Society - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read book online. Sociolinguistics. an introduction to language and society Peter Trudgill. [electronic resource] - 2nd rev. ed. Harmondsworth Penguin Books - Penguin language and linguistics. Introduction 1) To find out about how language and society interacts, how social attitudes 4) Sociolinguistics and gender-related language differences.
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The methods developed by Labov have proved to be very significant for the study of social-class dialects and accents. We now have to suppose that signalling one's gender identity is equally. It is also probable. If you travel from Norfolk into Suffolk. Some facts about language and society, backed up by scientific experiments, are concisely presented by the author that made this book a truly enjoyable read. She be nice and happy. We did not know.
It needs washed. The differences include large numbers of well-known vocabulary items. It is also the variety which is normally spoken by educated people and used innews broadcasts and other similar situations. American elevator. I have gotten. It is worth pointing this out because many people appear to believe that if someone uses slang expressions or informal turns of phrase this means. RP is largely confined to. This is the British English accent. Standard English has a widely accepted and codified grammar.
You need your hair cut. You need your hair cutting. Language and Society 7 There are also a number of other variations associated with smaller regions such as. Generally speaking. This general consensus. RP is unusual in that the relatively very small numbers of speakers who use it do not identify themselves as coming from any particular geographical region.
There is also one accent which only occurs together with Standard English. There is a general consensus among educated people. In practice there are some accents. There is no universally acknowledged standard accent for English. Standard English is. This is the accent which developed largely in the residential. As far as England is concerned. Standard English. The RP accent also has very high prestige. In fact the 'conventional wisdom' of most English-speaking communities goes further than this.
It follows that value judgements concerning the correctness and purity of linguistic. Standard EngliSh can be spoken with any regional accent. It is a dialect that is highly valued by many people. The fact is. All varieties of a language are structured. New Zealand and South Africa. It is. Because language as a social phenomenon is closely tied up with the social structure and value systems of society.
In this way millions of people who have English as their mother-tongue are persuaded that they 'can't speak English'. So statusful are Standard English and the prestige accents that they are widely considered to be 'correct'. The scientific study of language has convinced scholars that all languages. Any apparent inferiority is due only to their association with speakers from under-privileged. Urban accents.
This type of attitude towards rural speech is not so widespread in the United States. Newcastle or London. In these accents pairs of wotds like ma and mar are pronounced in exactly the same way.
There is nothing at all inherent in nonstandard varieties which makes them inferior. Language and Sodety 9 varieties are social rather than linguistic.
Northumberland or the Scottish Highlands. In England. In other words. In the same way. At the same time. Linguists also pay attention to subjective attitudes towards language for other reasons.
In English town. Judgements of this kind are social judgements based on the social connotations that a particular feature has in the area in question. They are important. The fact that this is so.
Linguistic descriptions note the appropriateness rather than the 'correctness' of varieties for different contexts. In New York City. The above example illustrates that if a certain pronunciation comes to be regarded as a prestige feature. Table 1. Other evidence suggests that the change in subjective attitudes has been the cause rather than the effect of the change.
There has. The change in subjective attitudes. This kind of process can also take place in the opposite direction. These social changes have had linguistic consequences. It emerged that this linguistic change was due to the subjective attitudes speakers on the island had towards this linguistic form. Strangely enough. On Martha's Vineyard. The second pronunciation is more recent on the island. So those people who most closely identified with the island way of life began to exaggerate the typical island pronunciation.
This also applies to the pronunciation of words like ride and right. One is a low-prestige. The [au] pronunciation was becoming exaggerated. It was least marked amongst those who had ambitions to settle on the mainland. Natives of the island had come to resent the mass invasion of outsiders and the change and economic exploitation that go with it. Most languages of European origin are very similar in this respect.
A language can affect a society by influencing or even controlling the world-view of its speakers. On the contrary. In most cases we shall be dealing with the co-variation of linguistic and social phenomena. We can begin with an example of this one-way relationship which supposedly involves the effect of language on society.
Language can be a very important factor in group identification. There is a view. These inter-relationships take many forms. Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf. Language and Sodety 13 the fact that the island accent is different.
In some cases. They may. It would not be too surprising. A more detailed example will clarify this situation. Consider the following verb forms from the American Indian language Hopi: Verb forms. Their usage is by no means identical. European languages. Some languages from other parts of the world. Whereas English. English speakers are not normally aware of the semantic connections illustrated above.
A fringe is indeed a series of slashes. The point of this example is to illustrate that in some cases differences of language may lead to differences in perception of the world. The example may well be taken to indicate. Language and Sodety 15 adj ective. The thing is that. Less controversial is the one-way relationship that operates in the opposite direction.
Lapp languages of northern Scandinavia have several. The reasons for this are obvious. It is essential for the Sarni to be able to distinguish efficiently between different types of reindeer. English, of course, is quite able to make the same distinctions: Secondly, the social environment can also be reflected in language, and can often have an effect on the structure of the vocabulary.
For example, a society's kinship system i s generally. We can assume, for example, that the important kin relationships in English-speaking societies are those that are signalled by single vocabulary items: We can, of course, talk of other relationships such as eldest son, maternal aunt, great uncle and second cousin, but the distinction between 'maternal' and 'paternal' aunt is not important in our society, and is therefore not reflected in the English lexicon.
This point can be amplified by reference to the. In the Australian aboriginal language Njamal, for example, there are, as in English, fifteen lexicalized kinship distinctions, but the way in which these terms compare with their English equivalents reveals much about the differences between the two societies. The Njamal term mama signifies what for the Njamal is a single kinship relationship, but which has to be translated into English in different ways according to context: In other words, the term is used for all males related to and of the same generation as the father.
For the English speaker, the most striking fact is that the two English words father and uncle can be translated by one Nj amal term. Clearly the distinction between father and father's brother cannot have the same importance in Njamal society as in our own. Other Njamal kinship terms distinguish not generation, as in English, but generation distance. For example, a man can use the same term, maili, for his father's father and his daughter's son 's wife's sister, the point being that the person in question is two generations removed and that these kinship terms are therefore reciprocal if I am your maili, then you are my maili, and vice versa.
In English, we have reciprocal terms too, such as cousin and brother, but these are only found within the same generation. As society is reflected in language in this way, social change can produce a corresponding linguistic change. This has happened in the case of Russian. During the period from to the present day the structure of the Russian kinship system has undergone a very radical change as a result of several important events: There has been a marked social as well as political revolution, and this has been accompanied by a corresponding change in the language.
For example, in the middle of the nineteenth century, wife's brother was shurin, whereas now it is simply brat zheny, brother of wife. Similarly, brother's wife, formerly nevestka, is now zhena brata, wife of brother. In other words, distinctions that were formerly lexicalized, because they were important, are now made by means of phrases.
In the nineteenth century most Russians lived in large patriarchal extended-family households. Brothers' wives, at that time part of the family, -. Similarly, the term yatrov, signifying husband's brother's wife, has now disappeared entirely. In earlier days it was a very important reciprocal term, meaning, for the woman who used it, a person of the same status as herself - a woman from outside the father-centred household who had married into it.
As the significance of this status has been lost not the relationship itself, of course , so has the relevant vocabulary item.
Thirdly, in addition to environment and social structure, the values of a society can also have an effect on its language. The most interesting way in.
In language, taboo is associated wtth things which are not said, and in particular with words and expressions which are not used. In practice, of course, this simply means that there are inhibitions about the normal use of items of this kind - if they were not said at all they could hardly remain in the language!
Many people will never employ words of this type, and most others will only use them in a restricted set of situations. Generally, the type of word that is tabooed in a particular language will be a good reflection of at least part of the system of values and beliefs of the society in question. In different parts of the world taboo words include those for the left hand, for female relations, or for certain game animals. Some words, too, are much more severely tabooed than.
This is a reflection of the great emphasis traditionally placed on sexual morality in our culture.
In other, particularly Roman Catholic, cultures the strongest taboos may be associated with religion, and in protestant Norway and Sweden, for example, some of the most strongly tabooed expressions are concerned with the devil.
Until recently, the strict rules associated with some taboo words in English received legal as well as social reinforcement. Not so long ago, the use in print of words such as fuck and cunt could lead to prosecution and even imprisonment, and they are still not widely used in most newspapers.
There is, of course, a certain amount of 'double-think' about words of this type. Nthough their use was, and may still be, technically illegal in some cases, they occur very frequently in the speech of some sections of the community. This is largely because taboo words are frequently used as swear-words, which is in turn because they are powerful. Most people in modern technologically advanced societies would claim not to believe in magic.
The reaction, moreover, is an irrational reaction to a particular word, not to a concept. It is perfectly permissible to say 'sexual intercourse' on television. Taboo is therefore clearly a linguistic as well as sociological fact. It is the words themselves which are felt to be wrong and are therefore so powerful.
The strength of this magic is illustrated in Britain by the way in which the BBC has on some occasions gone to considerable technical lengths to ensure that telephoned contributions from the public to certain radio programmes broadcast live could be cut off if they contained taboo words. And mainstream American. Taboo words of this type may be in order in certain situations. A similar explanation is advanced for the widespread American use of rooster rather than cock. Legal sanctions against obscene words are disappearing in the English-speaking world and there is a growing tendency for more rational.
The phrase 'not yet' indicates the rapidity with which patterns of taboo may change. In the case of bilingual individuals.
Thai students in England are said to avoid the use of Thai words such as [kha: One can infer that they are worried or perhaps even frightened by the prospect of the use of certain words. American Indian girl speakers of Nootka have been reported by teachers to be entirely unwilling to use the English word such because of the close phonetic resemblance it bears to the Nootka word for vagina.
A further interesting point is the secondary effect that taboo can have on language itself. Because of the strong reluctance of speakers to utter taboo words.
It is often said. A well-known British example of this is Shaw's use of bloody. One of the main factors that has led to the growth of sociolinguistic research has been the recognition of the importance of the fact that language is a very variable phenomenon.
Concentration on the 'idiolect'. In the past forty years or so. It is a broad but fair generalization to say that much of linguistics before then completely ignored the relationship between language and society. A language is not a simple. The study of attitudes to forms of language.
In most cases this was for good reasons. It investigates the field of language and society and has close connections with the social sciences. The study of Nj amal kinship terms. We have seen that there are a number of ways in which language and society are inter-related. Language and Society 21 These. Perhaps the best label for work of this latter type is the study of linguistic variation and change.
This covers studies of language in its social context. And throughout the book we shall be concerned with what some writers have referred to as 'secular linguistics'. In Chapter 7 'Language and Nation'. Chapter ro 'Language and Humanity'. Chapter 6 deals with the way in which language is used. Different social groups use different linguistic varieties. It was her that said it.
Speaker A I done it yesterday. Why does social differentiation have this effect on language?
We may note parallels between the development of these social. There are grammatical differences between the speech of these two speakers which give us clues about their social backgrounds.
It is also probable. How is it that we are able to do this sort of thing? The answer lies in the existence of varieties of language which have come to be called social-class dialects or. Speaker B I did it yesterday. If you heard these speakers say these things. It was her what said it. He hasn 't got it. He ain 't got it. The internal differentiation of human societies is reflected in their languages. We must be careful.
Of the many forms of social differentiation. Social -. And social distance may have the same sort of effect as geographical distance: The diffusion of a linguistic feature through a society may be halted by barriers of social class. The development of social varieties can perhaps be explained in the same sort of way. Dialectologists have found that regional-dialect boundaries often coincide with geographical barriers.
It also seems to be the case that the greater the geographical distance between two dialects the more dissimilar they are linguistically: There is little point. In the industrialized societies of the West this takes the form of stratification into social classes.
Because of this rigid separation into distinct groups. Bangalore and Dharwar. In India. Language and Sodal Class 25 stratification is a term used to refer to any hierarchical ordering of groups within a society especially in terms of power. It shows a number of forms used by Brahmins. As far as the linguist is concerned. Social-class stratification is not universal. Table 2 illustrates these points with data from Kannada. The whole question of social class is in fact somewhat controversial.
This is a considerable simplification of the actual situation. The first three examples show that. This is because castes are relatively stable. The general attitude adopted towards social class in most linguistic studies will emerge from the following paragraphs. This makes things much more difficult for any linguist who wishes to describe a particular variety. The second three examples show that there is more similarity within social than geographical groups. In the class societies of the English-speaking world the social situation is much more fluid.
We shall see that the reverse is true of class varieties of English. Many linguists concentrated their studies on the idiolect the speech of one person at one time in one style which was thought largely erroneously. Regional and caste differences in Kannada Brahmin. For many years the linguist's reaction to this complexity was generally to ignore it. It is only fair to say. All language varieties are also subject to change.
It was not really until after the Second World War. Dialectologists then began to incorporate social as well as geographical information into their dialect surveys. Language and Social Class 27 for preferring males to females will become clear in Chapter 3. They also began. Even small villages are socially heterogeneous.
Even more important. By bringing sociological methods such as random sampling to linguistics. Since the informants were a representative sample. How accurate was it to refer to the 'English in San Francisco' when your work was based on the analysis of the speech of only a small number of the tens of thousands of speakers you could have investigated? Was it. Urban studies presented a further problem.
Those urban dialectologists who recognized that this was the case were therefore forced to work out how they were to describe. For this reason. He had carried out tape-recorded interviews. A large amount of linguistic data that was both interesting in itself and potentially valuable to linguistic theory was being ignored or lost.
The speech of most New Yorkers appeared to vary in a completely random and unpredictable manner. Labov also developed techniques. In any case. He also developed methods for the quantitative measurements of linguistic data. But it is not possible to select individual speakers and to generalize from them to the rest of the speakers in their social-class group. The methods developed by Labov have proved to be very significant for the study of social-class dialects and accents.
Viewed against the background of the speech community as a whole. That is. Labov showed. Language and Sodal Class 29 be an accurate description of all the varieties of English spoken in this area. This was an important development which we shall discuss further in Chapter 5. Sometimes they would say beard and bad in the same way.
The idiolect might appear random. The methods of traditional dialectology may be adequate for the description of caste dialects though even this is doubtful since any individual. The speech of single speakers their idiolects may differ considerably from those of others like them.
This was an important point that was demonstrated by Labov. Since this breakthrough many other studies of urban dialects have been made.
The point made in Chapter 1 about travelling from Norfolk into Suffolk is equally valid for a journey from Cornwall to Aberdeen: This is equally true of a journey from Bangor.
In Britain.. This series is referred to as a dialect continuum a large number of different but not usually distinct nonstandard dialects connected by a chain of similarity. Social and regional dialect variation lowest class: As far as English is concerned.. Speakers of the highest social class employ the dialect we have called Standard English. Maine to Tallahassee. In Britain. He's a man that likes his beer. To take a lexical example.
As far as accent is concerned. He's a man who likes his beer and He's a man that likes his beer. This means that at any given point in England. The situation can therefore be portrayed as in Figure 1. All the following are possible: He's a man who likes his beer. But regional variation in nonstandard British English varieties is much greater.
Corresponding to scarecrow we have bogle. He's a man at likes his beer. Language and Sodal Class 31 we saw in Chapter 1. He's a man likes his beer. In Standard English. Table 3 illustrates this situation as it affects the pronunciation of one word. The same sort of pattern is also found with grammatical differences.
At the other end of the pyramid. He's a man what likes his beer. He's a man he likes his beer. This is not to say that there is no variation within RP. He's a man as likes his beer. Figure 2. In the second line. We did not know.
We have known for a long time about this kind of social and regional dialect and accent variation. Social and regional accent variation In the top line of this table there is only one variant It go ever so fast. Language and Sodal Class 33 intermediate and most localized accents are related to social class.
He don 't know a lot. The solution developed by Labov and since used by others is to take linguistic features which are known. If we are to obtain a correct picture of the relationship between language and social stratification we must be able to measure both linguistic and social phenomena so that we can correlate the two accurately.
This means that the following sorts of forms occur: She like him very much. I know. Sociolinguistics means that we are now in a position to answer these questions. Measuring language is more difficult. Since Standard English has the -s. In Standard English the third-person present-tense singular form of verbs has an affix. In East Anglia. For instance. This may in fact be a valid historical explanation of how this situation arose in the first place.
The table shows that the suspicion is quite justified. Inherent variability means that the variation is not due to the mixture of. In my view. Table 4 shows the results of these investigations for Norwich speakers and for African American speakers in Detroit. Norwich informants have been divided into five social-class groups. We could say. The Norwich MMC score gives some support to this view. We could then state that these two separate dialects are mixed in different proportions by speakers from different classes.
The linguists working with the Detroit informants divided them into four social-class groups. The relationship is obvious. More tellingly. The evidence for this second view is that this kind of variation takes place on a very wide scale. According to the 'inherent-variability view'. A number of other. I can eat nothing. I can 't eat anything. Language and Sodal Class 35 two or more varieties but is an integral part of the variety itself. Linguistic varieties appear to be inherently variable as a rule rather than as an exception.
We can either negate the verb. The same is true of other similar sentences containing an indefinite article or indefinite pronoun. There are other varieties of English. There are two possibilities in the standard variety of English.
Thus according to the 'dialect-mixture view' Detroit speakers vary their verb forms because they mix Detroit Black English which in its 'pure' form does not have -s with Standard English which does. I can eat anything. I can 't eat nothing. The results are shown in Table 5. Social-class accents. This means. The usual method is to investigate. The three consonants are clearly good indicators of social-class position in Norwich.
Once again. In Norwich the following three features were studied: We know. The percentages of nonstandard forms used were: Labov obtained an important indication of how socially significant a relatively trivial feature of accent can be. The vast majority of Norwich speakers use both pronunciations of all three consonants.
The results were: Non-RP forms for three consonants in Norwich I. It is also particularly interesting to note that even the highest class uses walkin '-type pronunciations 31 per cent of the time. Probably the first study of consonantal variation of this kind was made by Labov in New York City. The procedure was to find out which departments were on the fourth floor and then to ask as many assistants as possible in the rest of the shop a question like.
What he did was to examine the speech of shop assistants in three different department stores. Language and Social Class 37 Table 5. This will indicate the average pronunciation an individual or group uses. New York vowels in bad I. North of England bed 4. RP bad With vowels. A very small vowel-quality difference therefore turns out to be socially rather significant.
Results for three social-class groups were as follows: NYC beard 2. The different variants form a continuum. NYC bared 3.
In Norwich English it is possible to distinguish three different vowel qualities in words such as pass. MMC 1. Language and Social Class 39 The same sort of technique has been used in the analysis of British accents.
This means that scores can range from r. In Leeds. At this point it is important to ask: One reason why this question is important is that a number of writers on sociolinguistics have derided this kind of work as 'correlational sociolinguistics'. Many other class differences of the same kind could be cited from almost any area you care to name.
The answer is that. WC speakers have a front vowel in Norwich English. Even though we are concentrating on only one feature rather than on a variety as a whole.
In the case of both Norwich and Detroit. Through our linguistic experiences we have become sensitive. They merge into each other to form a continuum. Popular stereotypes of social-class dialects are therefore almost always misleading. We can if we like talk of 'the middle-working-class Norwich dialect'. Although individuals will sometimes use one verb form.
This suggests that the division of society into two main class groups. As we shall see in the next chapter. Language and Social Class 41 information about. This experiment demonstrates two rather important points. They were completely wrong. But they were wrong in a very interesting way.
The fact was that the white speakers sounded like Blacks. The speakers they had been asked to listen to were exceptional people: It was the first set which consisted of white people. This has been confirmed by other experiments. Many of the judges decided that speakers in the first set were African Americans. There can. Any human being can learn any human language.
Language and Ethnic Group 43 unexceptional backgrounds ip. We mention this. The term Inda-European was coined to cover those languages of Europe. Members of the two American ethnic groups we have been discussing learn the linguistic varieties associated with them in exactly the same way that social-class dialects are acquired. It does not require much thought to see that this view is obviously wrong. Persians and others who now speak Inda-European languages. What does happen is that speakers acquire the linguistic characteristics of those they live in close contact with.
People do not speak as they do because they are white or black. This is a social and cultural fact. Perhaps less harmful.
It remains true. Ideas about languages and race die hard. It is true. In other cases. Situations of this type are very usual in multilingual Africa. In cases of the second type. Language and Ethnic Group 45 may be a simple one of habitual association.
In most ca ses. This is not only an African phenomenon. For the most part. Differences of this type may originate in or at least be perpetuated by the same sorts of mechanisms as are involved in the maintenance of social-class dialects: Ewe and Kru. In one suburb outside Accra in Ghana there are native speakers of more than eighty different languages.
Cases of the first type. The different ethnic groups therefore maintain their separateness and identity as much through language as anything else.
The two main European-origin ethnic groups in Canada. Although there were large minorities of Hungarian speakers in the north-east and of Albanian speakers in the south-west.
Serbo-Croat came in two rather different forms: Bosnia-Hercegovina and Serbia. Between and the s. The official position was that the language of these areas was Serbo-Croat. Individuals are much more likely to be aware of the fact that they are 'Jewish' or to consider themselves 'Black' than they are to recognize that they are. It should also be pointed out that.
Ukrainian and Russian. In the case of ethnic groups. Everybody was agreed that the dialects of Slovenia in the north-western part of this continuum were heteronomous to Standard Slovenian.
In the centre of the country. An interesting if distressing example of this comes from Yugoslavia. This means that ethnic-group membership and identity may be an important social fact for them. In actual fact. Inhabitants of. The same would apply in reverse to Serbs and Croats living in Serbia. Serbs who had grown up in Croatia. Croats who were natives of Croatia therefore had a choice: There was therefore no particular reason to say that these dialects were dialects of Croatian or dialects of Serbian.
Serbian and Croatian have variously been considered a single language with two different norms. At various times in history. Using the term Serbo-Croat also seemed more sensible to the other major ethnic group in Bosnia. The dialects spoken in this central part of the dialect continuum are intermediate between those of Croatia and Serbia. Language and Ethnic Group 47 Latin alphabet. In Bosnia. The Serbian government in Belgrade. They would obviously not want to have to choose between the labels 'Serbian' and ' Croatian'.
In order to stress the autonomy see Chapter 1 of Croatian vis-a-vis Serbian. When issues of this type are also connected with issues of ethnicity. We have just noted that the new governments in former Yugoslavia are deliberately attempting to. The government in Zagreb of the independent nation of Croatia calls its national ' language Croatian. As we saw in Chapter 1. Both governments are also attempting to remove words of Turkish origin from their languages.
In both cases. It is therefore not at all surprising that the Bosnian ambassador to the USA has now requested that the language of his government should be referred to as Bosnian.
If there is. Italians now show a notably greater tendency to use the higher vowels than do New York Jewish people. Language and Ethnic Group 49 differences. One of the interesting facts to emerge from Labov's New York study.
Native speakers of Italian tend to use an [a] -type vowel. In origin these differences appear to be due. Yiddish and Italian. The interference of the old language on the new a 'Yiddish accent' in English.
Jewish speakers. It seems that this development has been accelerated by the desire. Now that English is spoken by nearly everyone in Scotland. Native speakers of Gaelic. A similar kind of substratum effect can be found in the English of Scotland. Most Scots today tend to think of themselves as simply 'Scottish'. There is often. Second-generation speakers may therefore have exaggerated the difference between the two vowels.
To simplify things somewhat. Highlanders do not normally say I dinna ken. Examples include differences such as the following: Lowland Scots speak either a local dialect of Scots see more on this in Chapter 7 1 or Standard Scottish English with a local accent or something in between. Anglo-Saxon descent. These high vowels are not the result of pressures of this sort. The influence of this earlier racist view lingered on in the following way: A British visitor writing in 17 46 said ef the American colonists: It was recognized a long time ago that Americans of sub-Saharan African origin spoke English differently from the Whites.
Take that whisky here. I can see you! I don 't want that. This disgraceful view cannot be altogether ignored even today because it has affected the history of the study of Black American English. I'm seeing you! It's not that that I'm wanting.
In the English-speaking world as a whole. If Blacks and Whites spoke differently. One of the most interesting debates has to do with the fact that. These independent developments have been facilitated by the relatively small amount of social contact between Blacks and.
The political and social climate is also happily now such that this linguistic issue can be extensively studied and discussed. AA VE has come to be different from white varieties of English because of different changes which have happened in the last three hundred years or so. The use of the term 'Vernacular'. The term Black English. Controversies still remain. The suggestion is that many. It is a commentary on the relative status of African Americans historically that such words are often labelled in etymological dictionaries as being of 'unknown origin'.
A pidgin is a reduced. And English creoles that is. Awareness of the differences has also been heightened because very large numbers of black people emigrated from the South to the northern cities of the USA after the abolition of slavery.
Lexical items which have been introduced into American English from African languages include voodoo. Simply put. The argument goes further than this. I shall leave a full discussion of creole languages until Chapter 9. View 1 comment. Solid, really enjoyed some of the chapters such as language and social class, but found others dry and bits repetitive. Jun 02, Tina Kacey rated it liked it Shelves: Aug 18, Gregory rated it it was amazing.
Was insightful. Jul 09, Gladys Landing-Corretjer rated it it was amazing. Loved it! Here are some of the reasons why: The at Loved it! The attempted replacement of one language by another entails an effort to obliterate whole cultures; it may be indicative of illogical ethnic attitudes [the Welsh are inferior to the English, the Kurds do not exist]; and it can seriously impair the educational progress of children who have to learn a new language before they can understand what the teacher is saying, let alone read and write.
When facing statements that other languages, dialects, pidgins or creoles are inferior to English: All languages are subject to change, and they are all the product of influence and admixture from other languages. May 14, Anagha Uppal rated it really liked it. Although the subject may fascinate you as it did me , this isn't the easiest book to read. The author gives a number of examples by which he illustrates and explains the main points and definitions.
May 22, Pramudita Satria rated it really liked it. A mind opener to the relation between language and society which is written in an easy and informative way.
Some facts about language and society, backed up by scientific experiments, are concisely presented by the author that made this book a truly enjoyable read. Jun 07, Denise rated it really liked it Shelves: Excellent introduction to the topic. I didn't learn a lot new, because it is an introductory text and therefore less in-depth than I thought it would be when I picked it up -- but if you're looking for an intro to sociolinguistics, this is a good one.
Jun 05, Matthew rated it liked it. Generally well structured, unfortunately the references are stuck in an annotated bibliography at the end and not given during the text. Seems like common sense social geography in many cases.
Aug 15, Margarita rated it it was amazing. Very clear and engaging introduction to current sociolinguistic theory. I'll definitely come back to this book for the "explain to me like I'm five" answers on topics. Jan 29, Megan rated it liked it. Boring and too British but not a bad overview. Apr 14, Jennifer rated it did not like it Shelves: So far I don't agree with many of his conclusions. Aug 02, Laurane rated it it was amazing. Very informational, very complete, and very clear!
I really enjoyed reading it, even though it was assigned and that demonstrates its quality! This book got me excited about studying English and Linguistics for the first time ever. Oct 12, Nick Huntington-Klein rated it liked it Shelves: A good introduction to the topic, if a little outdated at least my copy.
Drags a bit near the end as he begins to slowly crawl through every type of social difference over which language varies. Feb 02, Anix Tin added it.
Dec 25, Manana Tabidze rated it really liked it. Jun 03, Thomas rated it liked it. An excellent introduction to the field of sociolinguistics.
A well-written book aimed at beginners which really helps understand how complex language and social influence upon it really are. Mar 20, Aisha rated it it was amazing. Really fascinating look at how language develops, is used, and what it signifies. Jan 20, Andrea rated it it was amazing.
A very nice, comprehensive introduction with many examples from languages from all over the world. Apr 14, Ala'a rated it liked it Shelves: I loved this book. Just another proof that sociolinguistics IS the fun side of linguistics. Artur rated it really liked it May 20, Assemgul Erbolkyzy rated it it was amazing Feb 22, Sandra rated it liked it Jun 04, There are no discussion topics on this book yet.
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